Nightcap

  1. Towards a Nietzschean liberalism Richard Hanania, RHN
  2. Isonomia and the liberal’s bet Greyson Ruback, Isonomia Quarterly
  3. Culture or economics? Fred Bauer, City Journal
  4. Thomas Aquinas and Islam (pdf) David Burrell, Modern Theology
  5. Manliness and trust in God Paul Seaton, Law & Liberty
  6. Are the kids al(t)right? Michael Anton, Claremont Review of Books
  7. BAP admits the American federal order is the best of second bests
  8. The poetry of New England James Wilson, Modern Age

Nightcap

  1. Great piece on the American culture wars Lawrence M. Mead, NA
  2. On the past & present aims of conservatism Daniel McCarthy, NC
  3. Civilization, colonialism, and Isaiah Berlin Eric Schliesser, D&I
  4. Young Chinese rediscover wet markets Fan Yiying, Sixth Tone

Nightcap

  1. Locksley Hall (19th century poem) by Alfred, Lord Tennyson
  2. India, China, and the future of Christianity George Weigel, First Things
  3. The quiet part about Russia and NATO Branko Marcetic, RS
  4. Did life exist on Mars? Other planets? With AI’s help, we may know soon

Nightcap

  1. Fantastic 1947 essay on world federalism under the US constitution (pdf)
  2. Greater Poland Ethnographic Park
  3. The tragedy of Stafford Beer (cybersocialism) Kevin Munger, Crooked Timber
  4. Democracy or liberalism for the Middle East? Jonathan Dean, Law & Liberty

Nightcap

  1. I have more to say on this, but worth a gander Anton Jäger, NY Times
  2. I have more to say on this, too Quinn Slobodian (interview), Portside
  3. The case against anarcho-capitalism: “people are unable or unwilling to exercise their exit option
  4. Anarcho-capitalists hate costs, not taxes (scroll up, and click here for more)

Nightcap

  1. Eurocentric cosmopolitanism Peter Ramsay, Northern Star
  2. Roman Abramovich art collection revealed Jonathan Jones, Guardian
  3. How Africans wrote their own history Isaac Samuel, AHE
  4. The two-parent advantage W Bradford Wilcox, City Journal

Nightcap

  1. Can we learn anything from Africa’s pre-colonial polities? (pdf) Oyebade Oyerinde, C+T
  2. B.S. jobs and the coming crisis of meaning Brian Boyd, New Atlantis
  3. Government isn’t the only problem Rick Weber, Notes On Liberty
  4. Can Poland and Ukraine end their grain spat? Svitlana Morenets, Spectator

Nightcap

  1. Indigenous cultures and imperial Britain Madeline Grimm, Marginalia
  2. Law, property rights, and air pollution (pdf) Murray Rothbard, Cato Journal
  3. The importance of a Senate for republics Ioannis Evrigenis, Liberty Matters
  4. Disagree with this (no federation), but worth a gander Amartya Sen, Guardian

Americanization in the wild

The death of a black man in Minneapolis, the largest city in the U.S. state of Minnesota, after a white police officer put pressure on his neck led to large-scale protests not only in the United States but also in cities around the world, including Osaka and Tokyo.
[…]
In Japan, discrimination based on differences in appearance and attributes occurs on various levels, including discrimination against black people, but what are the circumstances involved in this? Rather than treating this incident as something that happened in a faraway country and distancing ourselves from it, I would like people to think about it in relation to things that are familiar to them.

This is from a piece about Black Lives Matter in a Japanese-language magazine. The author is Shiori Kirigaya.

Nightcap

  1. Where is the most fertile region of Europe? Lisa Abend, New Lines
  2. California’s war on parents Mark Schneider, City Journal
  3. Stations. Abigail Stewart, Isonomia Quarterly
  4. It’s okay to be gay Irfan Khawaja, Policy of Truth

Africa’s quest for sovereignty

That’s the title of this excellent piece by Toby Green, a historian at King’s College London. Green does a wonderful job of highlighting all of the problems that African societies face today: corruption, poverty, and my personal favorite, “neoliberalism.” Neoliberalism is just shorthand for loans that Western financial institutions give to African states. These loans are usually only given if African states promise to follow certain guidelines that Western financial institutions have drawn up. The end result is corruption and poverty.

I can agree that it’s a terrible system, even if I think the name Green has given it is dumb.

Throughout the piece, Green makes a good case for fundamental change in Africa. The problem is that he mistakenly thinks that this change can occur via the states that are currently in place in Africa. He mistakenly thinks that Ghana, Nigeria, Uganda, or Angola, to name some of the more prominent examples, have what it takes to enact the changes necessary for a fundamental shift.

Green argues that “unipolar American and Western European hegemony” (which by definition cannot be unipolar if there’s two poles, unless…) is responsible for Africa’s problems, and that the continent’s early independence leaders should be looked to for guidance. The problem with this, as Hendrik Spruyt has pointed out, is that the continent’s early independence leaders didn’t listen to anybody but themselves. They simply sought to graft their visions of what Africa should be onto the existing colonial governance system of the various European powers.

These early independence leaders sought to forge nations out of the colonies that the Europeans had haphazardly patched together. There were other elites on the African continent who wanted something different from what Africa’s early independence leaders wanted. Some of these elites were nationalists who wanted their states to be fully recognized equals on the world stage, just like the early independence leaders. The difference between these nationalists, and the early independence leaders, was that they wanted to abolish colonial boundaries and restore pre-colonial boundaries which would then be recognized as states within the Westphalian states-system. Like so:

Early Independence LeadersOther, actual Nationalists
Wanted African states to inherit colonial boundariesWanted African states to abolish colonial boundaries and restore old ones to prominence
Wanted to create and forge national identities out of these colonial boundariesWanted to harness the power of already-existing national identities by tying them to internationally-recognized states

The early independence leaders obviously won out. The borders of European colonialism were maintained and enshrined within the Westphalian states-system that soon encompassed the globe.

Green and other Leftists think that the above column on the left is a perfectly acceptable way to continue, and that the problem is not the states-system that Africa’s early independence leaders established, but rather the “unipolar hegemony of America and Europe.” Without a rethink of the fundamentals, Green and other Leftists are going to continue inadvertently contributing to the immiseration of Africa.

Don’t get me wrong! The current loan system is awful. It’s terrible. But it’s exactly what you’d expect to get from an order like the one outlined above.

If people are serious about unleashing Africa then they need to look to the above column on the right. The map of the nations that were ignored by Africa’s early independence leaders (ignored, and eventually slaughtered, oppressed, persecuted, and imprisoned) is still there. You can find good maps of nations in Africa — often condescendingly referred to as “ethnic groups” rather than nations – that are superimposed on the map of African postcolonial states. Here’s the best one in the world at the moment.

Green implicitly recognizes that there’s something wrong with the postcolonial African state of Africa’s early independence leaders. He can tell that the column on the left is somehow off:

[…] in many African countries, traditional chiefs [are] more respected than elected officials […] A more damning indictment of the failings of the democratic model promoted across Africa […] is hard to find.

What he can’t seem to do is see that the column on the right lines up almost perfectly with the views that Africans have of their chiefs. Now, the chiefs are by no means revered by everybody in Africa, and there is a strong, if minute, anti-chief current throughout the continent because not everybody wants an Africa based on the tenets of nationalism. The columns above only highlight two strains of thought on how Africa should be governed. There are others, most notably Islamist proposals, but the one that libertarians (and, indeed, most Leftists) should find most attractive is that of the African federalists.

African federalists competed with the two nationalist camps when it became apparent that things were about to change vis-à-vis Africa’s relationship with Europe. While the nationalists embraced decolonization, which meant independence from European colonial rule, the federalists embraced integration with their colonizers. They argued that African colonies could, and should, federate with European countries. This federation would mean that African provinces would stand on equal footing with older provinces of European states. African provinces would be able to practice self-government without resorting to autarky. Like so:

Early Independence LeadersOther, actual NationalistsFederalists
Wanted African states to inherit colonial boundariesWanted African states to abolish colonial boundaries and restore old ones to prominenceWanted African colonies to become represented provinces in federated European polities
Wanted to create and forge national identities out of these colonial boundariesWanted to harness the power of already-existing national identities by tying them to internationally-recognized statesWanted full citizenship rights within the federated polities that would replace the old European empires

In hindsight, the federalists were right to deplore the idea of independence from Europe. The Westphalian nation-state, at least as it was envisioned by Africa’s early independence leaders, has been a disaster for Africa. It’s also clear that the federalists had an uphill climb, not only because decolonization-nationalism were all the rage but also because several of the Europeans who ran the colonies did not themselves have federated orders. The French and Portuguese had no experience with federalism, and the Spanish and British had weird federalisms based on monarchical principles. The Dutch and the Americans both had good models to emulate, but they didn’t have any African colonies and the idea of African colonies federating with Dutch or American states was out of the question in the 1960s and 1970s. That doesn’t have to be the case for today.

There’s nothing in this world that says the ideas of Africa’s federalists can’t be put in to practice today. There’s nothing to prevent the world’s most powerful polity, the compound republic of the United States, from entertaining the ideas put forth by Africa’s federalists. Nothing, that is, except the conservatism of Western and Western-educated elites, who believe that Africa’s early independence leaders were somehow right, because even though the results of their actions have gone horribly wrong, their ideals were pure in motive.

Nightcap

  1. Speculation about the Druids Miranda Aldhouse-Green, Aeon
  2. Globalizing China or Sinicizing the Global? Gianamar Giovannetti-Singh, LARB
  3. The Ugliest Girl at Marcy’s Wedding Pavilion Kelly Luce, Colorado Review
  4. The meaning of liberalism in 2023 Helena Rosenblatt, Boston Review

Sovereign territory and decolonization movements

But while adopting sovereign territoriality as the dominant script, they were far more cautious in accepting the principle of self-determination for all nationalist claims. While claiming the right of national self-determination as a rhetorical tool in the struggle with the metropolitan powers, they simultaneously denied those claims to indigenous groups within the territorial state that the nationalist leaders envisioned. The Dutch were not incorrect in asserting that the nationalist (Javanese) claim for Indonesian independence subverted the possible independence of many areas and ethnic groups within the East Indies. Sukarno himself of course recognized that “the Dutch had invented Indonesia” given that it had never been a coherent political entity before. [Sukarno] was eager to lay claim to the entire territory as a unified state on the principle of sovereign equality with other states, disregarding local demands for true national self-determination.

This is from the great Hendrik Spruyt, and you can read the whole thing (pdf) here.

I have two takeaways for NOL: first, the people who led decolonization efforts after WWII exploited the maps drawn up by imperial powers; they were not nationalists, they were cosmopolitans who had been educated in European capitals and who had borrowed the logic of nationalists in those capitals. Calls for federation instead of independence/decolonization were few and far between, but they did exist. Adam Smith called for union between the UK and its North American colonies. Several African statesmen called for federation between their lands and France. I believe some Indians called for federation between their land (which included present-day India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh) and the UK, but I need to do more research on this. In Hawaii, the federalists actually won out.

Second, the current narrative, or script as Spruyt calls it, still doesn’t give local/indigenous actors their due. The current Westphalian script — undergirded by the principle of sovereign equality with other states – still treats the leaders of decolonization like victims of imperialism who fought against the odds to defeat intransigent European oppression. There is simply not much being said about the people who called for greater representation within the European imperiums and for federal restructuring of these imperiums.

A third takeaway is that libertarians have a much better alternative to adopt than shallow anti-imperialism, which is just a form of antiwar nationalism: they could call for federation with polities as a foreign policy doctrine. They could actively build alliances with those factions that were squashed by nationalists who disregarded the claims of other groups, with the aim of integrating these societies into a federal order.

Nightcap

  1. A good primer on Taiwan’s upcoming elections David Zhong, Responsible Statecraft
  2. No mention of the American security umbrella Tommaso Pavone, Broadstreet
  3. A pilgrimage to Taylor, Texas Samuel Samson, First Things
  4. Ancient violence, modern judgement, Roman custom James Hankins, New Criterion